By Stephen O. Murray

It is a revised model of concept teams and the research of Language in North the United States (1994), the post-World-War-II historical past of the emergence of sociolinguistics in North the USA that used to be defined in Language in Society as “a heady mix of precise scholarship, mordant wit, and sustained narrative designed to cajole even the skeptical reader that those myriad, frequently concurrently emergent, methods of brooding about language are certainly interrelated. . . . this is often an outspoken, attractive, rollicking, sometimes demanding event within the historical past of those sciences as with regards to their perform. . . to not be neglected through a person who cares concerning the highbrow underpinnings of the learn of language in society,” in Language as offering “the closest approximation” to how sociolinguists got here jointly and built the sector, and in Lingua as delivering “the so much finished overviews of a few of the and sundry techniques to [American] linguistic research.” American Sociolinguistics examines either conception teams (such because the ethnography of conversing and ethnoscience), and sociolinguistic students (such as William Labov, Einar Haugen, and Erving Goffman) whose widely-known and often-emulated paintings used to be now not pursued via equipped teams.

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8 While only two of the studies undertaken in the project cast significant 7 On Boas's non-involvement, see Kroeber (1955:911-912). Hill and Mannheim (1992:390) appeal to what seems to me an anachronistic reading of Boas (1899) that is very alien to Boas's practices and anti-phonemic views during the 1920s and 30s (see Murray 1994c:57-8). " 1950S STUDIES OF LEXICONS AND PSYCHIATRY 23 light on that theme, "the project produced numerous other valuable comparative studies," according to Ervin-Tripp (1974:2), who was a postdoctoral participant.

In his short publishing career, Whorf published in refereed journals. He pub­ lished six articles in the American Anthropologist, three in Language, two in UAL, and had two structural sketches included in the collection begun by Sapir and continued by Bloomfield (Hoijer et al. 1946) alongside those of other leading Americanists. His descriptive work was highly regarded at the time by Kroeber (Kroeber: S apir, 23 April 1936) and by Sapir: Whorf is an awfully good man, largely self-made, and with a dash of genius.

During World War II, he took up a position as a Signal Corps officer working on Spanish, Russian, Burmese and Chinese. In 1948 he was dis­ missed from the City College of New York for his politics. Eventually, he became a research professor in Mexico City (1956-57). During his years of unemployment (1949-56), he had a series of small research grants. An anathema­ tized scholar, he yet managed to invent glottochronology, reinvent lexicostatistics, propose new criteria of proof of relationships and publish path-breaking comparative studies of four different major language families — Mosan, Eskimo-Aleut, Na-Déné, Penutian — the last of which led him on to comparison on a continental scale" (Hymes 1971b:252).

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